sábado, 13 de dezembro de 2008

El Mundo pacta con Marruecos: Arístegui mediador



Por su importancia, traduzco un artículo publicado hoy en el diario marroquí LE SOIR. Según el mismo, Gustavo de Arístegui, recientemente condecorado con el Wissam Alauita (que premia a los amigos de la monarquía tiránica marroquí) ha hecho gestiones para que El Mundo cambie su línea editorial para ser más "equilibrado" respecto a Marruecos.

LE SOIR
(12-XII-2008)

El Mundo declara el armisticio a Marruecos

El Mundo, gran diario español considerado pro-PP, habría decidido un armisticio con Rabat. El diario ha multiplicado recientemente las señales de su mejor disposición hacia Marruecos. El diario español El Mundo habría decidido cambiar su línea hacia Marruecos y atenuar sus ataques dirigidos contra el reino, especialmente contra el régimen.

Esto es lo que indican varias fuentes en Madrid que se hacen eco incluso de la próxima publicación, por el diario dirigido por Pedro J. Ramírez de un "dossier equilibrado" sobre la monarquía marroquí.

Ali Lmrabet, periodista de El Mundo, prepara su retorno a Marruecos. "Ali Lmrabet ha afrimado que tenía intención de volver para instalarse en Marruecos. Esto hace creer a algunos que habrá menos artículos contra Marruecos en el periódico", afirma una fuente periodística en Madrid.

Según las últimas noticias, el diario El Mundo habría intentado una especie de "reconociliación" con la agencia MAP (agencia oficial de prensa marroquí) y con el jefe de su delegación en Madrid, Said Idda Hassan, porque hace más de un año este periódico había calificado, bajo la pluma de Ali Lmrabet, a los periodistas de MAP-Madrid, de "policías disfrazados de periodistas". En este sentido, el jefe de la agencia oficial marroquí en Madrid ha sido invitado, recientemente, a una ceremonia del periódico con ocasión de sus premios anuales y al lado de grandes personalidades, entre los que se encontraba el presidente del gobierno, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. Pero también estaban los líderes de primera fila del PP: Mariano Rajoy, Alberto Ruiz Gallardón y Gustavo de Arístegui, portavoz de relaciones internacionales en el partido que dirigía José María Aznar.

Según nuestras fuentes en Madrid, aunque la justifica por su calidad de presidente de la asociación de periodistas extranjeros en España (puesto para el que ha sido elegido para un tercer mandato), la invitación dirigida al jefe de la oficina de la MAP en Madrid no es fortuita. Y sobre todo, porque los responsables del periódico han insistido varias veces en que la MAP esté presente en un momento en el que pocos periodistas, incluidos los españoles, tienen derecho a una invitación.

El periodista de la MAP ha respondido favorablemente a esta invitación incluso aunque las dos partes (MAP y El Mundo) esperan que se fije una fecha para el proceso que les opone por causa de los escritos de Ali Lmrabet.
El asunto, juzgado en primera instancia en favor de los dos periodistas de la MAP (el otro periodista es Mansur Madani), ha conocido un nuevo giro en la apelación puesto que el tribunal ha estimado que no podía hablarse de difamación desde el momento en que El Mundo no dada nombres.
Tras ello, los periodistas de la MAP han llevado el asunto al Tribunal Supremo.

Según nuestras fuentes, Gustavo de Arístegui, portavoz de relaciones internacionales del PP, no sería extraño al armisticio decretado por el periódico español, históricamente catalogado como transmisor de las posiciones del PP. Debe recordarse que, como signo de apaciguamiento, el mismo Gustavo de Arístegui, acreditado por sus sólidas relaciones con los hombres del poder en Marruecos, fue a Rabat tras las elecciones legislativas marroquíes de 7 de septiembre de 2007 para reunirse con los jefes de los cinco partidos que obtuvieron mejores resultados.

"Ahora debemos olvidar el mito de un PP malo en beneficio de un PSOE bueno. La política se juega sobre el terreno y no en los clubes de opinión" respondía Larbi Messari, ex-diplomático y gran conocedor de las relaciones entre Rabat y Madrid, tras las elecciones legislativas españolas.

The legality of exploring and exploiting natural resources in Western Sahara



This intervention was presented by Mr Hans Corell, ex-Under-Secretary-General for Legal Affairs and the Legal Counsel of the United Nations, during the works of the “International conference on multilateralism and international law, with Western Sahara as a case study”, held in Pretoria, South Africa, 4 and 5 December 2008.

Conference on Multilateralism and International Law with Western Sahara as a Case Study (05.12.08 Department of Foreign Affairs [South Africa]), University of Pretoria [South Africa]) *

Excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,
First of all, I wish to thank the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the University of Pretoria very much for inviting me to participate in this Conference.

Frankly speaking, I was somewhat hesitant to accept the invitation. In the past, when I have received invitations to other international meetings concerning Western Sahara, I have declined. The reason for not accepting those invitations is that, in January 2002, I delivered a legal opinion relating to Western Sahara to the United Nations Security Council. It is important that this opinion speaks for itself. Another reason is that I would not wish to engage in discussions that, for reasons of sentiment, might hamper the efforts by the United Nations to achieve a fair settlement with respect to the status of Western Sahara.

However, since the programme of this Conference in Pretoria promised very serious discussions in which the issues relating to Western Sahara would be examined from different perspectives, I decided to accept the invitation. This would not only allow me to participate in an interesting Conference. It would also put me in a position to explain how requests for legal opinions are dealt with in the United Nations Office of Legal Affair’s and to say a few words about the opinion that I delivered to the Security Council.

It seems that the opinion has been well understood by most, and many concerned have drawn the appropriate conclusions. However, there are those who have construed it very differently from its meaning. In some cases, the interpretation bears clear evidence of a very special underlying interest.

My first duty, however, is to inform you that I have retired from the United Nations and from public service in my own country Sweden. I am therefore now speaking in my personal capacity only.

In addition, I have no other interest in this matter that the rule of law and that the Member States of the United Nations should respect the norms that the Organisation itself has established. So, in case you find my remarks leading in a particular direction, it is simply an expression of my siding with the law to the best of my understanding.

I have been asked to address the topic "The legality of exploring and exploiting natural resources in Western Sahara ". This I will do by first reviewing the legal opinion that I delivered in January 2002 and inform about how it was conceived. I wilt then make a few comments with respect to some of the reactions that it has provoked. This will be followed by conclusions from the legal opinion in relation to other natural resources in Western Sahara. I will also look at the future and in particular at the role that the business community might play by acting in accordance with what is commonly known as Corporate Social Responsibility. I will conclude with a few remarks relating to the overriding topic of our Conference - Multilateralism and International Law.

Mineral resources in Western Sahara

With respect to the legal opinion, you will note that I delivered it in my capacity as Under-Secretary-General for Legal Affairs and the Legal Counsel of the United Nations.

The opinion was transmitted to the President of the Security Council in a letter dated 29 January 2002. (2)

What the members of the Council had asked for was my opinion on "the legality in the context of international law, including relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations, and agreements concerning Western Sahara, of actions allegedly taken by the Moroccan authorities consisting in the offering and signing of contracts with foreign companies for the exploration of mineral resources in Western Sahara".

As a point of departure it is important to note that when the Legal Counsel is asked to deliver an opinion of this kind he should be very careful to confine himself exactly to the question(s) asked by the competent UN organ.

Furthermore, the elaboration of an opinion of this kind is not something that the Legal Counsel does in splendid isolation in his office. On the contrary, although the responsibility for the opinion rests squarely with the Legal Counsel, the exercise is teamwork where the task is assigned to members of the Office of Legal Affairs, in the present case members of the Office of the Legal Counsel.

The first issue to examine is whether a legal opinion has been delivered on the same or a similar issue in the past. If that is the case, that opinion would be carefully studied on the basic assumption that an opinion already given by the Legal Counsel should be upheld; Member States must be able to rely on legal advice and there must be consistency in the way in which such advice is given. But the circumstances could also lead to a different conclusion. In such a case the Legal Counsel would carefully explain why his opinion differs from what he or one of his predecessors has stated in the past.

In the actual case there was no such precedence. As a matter of fact, I was quite surprised to receive the question from the Security Council. My experience from working with the Council is that its members rely mainly on legal advice provided either by their own lawyers in the UN Missions in New York or by the Legal Advisers of their Ministries of Foreign Affairs.

I know from conversations with colleagues from the Missions in New York that the Council is somewhat hesitant to ask legal opinions from the Legal Counsel for the simple reason that they believe that this would be giving tremendous "power" to a singular international civil servant, albeit a person at the level of Under- Secretary-General. It is obvious that this hesitation would be commensurate to the political sensitivity of the subject matter.

To illustrate what I just said, this is probably the explanation why I was not asked to give a legal opinion on the system for the listing of terrorist suspects implemented under Security Council resolution 1267 (1999). Had I been asked to give a legal opinion on this matter, I would certainly have opined that adopting a system of this kind without offering those affected access to a judicial institution as a last instance would violate international human rights standards. I knew that this is so from personal experiences defending Sweden before the European Court of Human Rights for many years. (3)

So, my immediate reaction when I was asked to give a legal opinion in a matter as sensitive as that of Western Sahara was that it represented a very unusual step by the Council.

As I just said, a first analysis made it clear that in this particular case there was no precedence. Therefore, we had to start making an analysis afresh.

In order to be able to answer the question put to me, I needed assistance from the Government of Morocco. The Government provided me with information pertaining to two contracts, concluded in October 2001. They concerned oil-reconnaissance and evaluation activities in areas offshore Western Sahara. One of the contracts was between the Moroccan Office National de Recherches et d’Exploitations Petrolieres (ONAREP) and the United States oil company Kerr McGee du Maroc Ltd. The other was between ONAREP and the French oil company TotalFinaElfE&P Maroc.

The contracts were concluded for an initial period of 12 months and contained standard options for the relinquishment of the rights under the contract or its continuation, including an option for future oil contracts in the areas in question or parts of these areas.

In order to be able to determine the legality of the contracts that were concluded by Morocco offshore Western Sahara it was necessary to analyse the status of the Territory of Western Sahara and the status of Morocco in relation to the Territory. Furthermore, it was necessary to analyse the principles of international law governing mineral resource activities in Non.Self-Governing Territories.

In this analysis, it was also necessary to examine provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, General Assembly resolutions pertaining to decolonization in general, and economic activities in Non-Self-Governing Territories in particular. Needless to say, we also had to carefully analyse agreements concerning the status of Western Sahara.

I will not now venture into the history of Western Sahara or the status of Western Sahara under Moroccan administration. Reference is made to the legal opinion and to other material available at this Conference.

With respect to the law applicable to mineral resource activities in Non-Self-Governing Territories, an analysis was made of Article 73 of the UN Charier. The conclusion was that the interests of the inhabitants of these Territories are paramount. The task of the administering Powers over such Territories is seen as a "sacred trust".

Of particular interest were the General Assembly resolutions relating to the question of implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. These resolutions called upon the administering Powers to ensure that all economic activities in the Non-Self-Governing Territories under their administration did not adversely affect the interests of the peoples of such Territories, but were instead directed towards assisting them in the exercise of their right to self-determination.

These resolutions also contained provisions designed to protect the "inalienable rights" of the peoples of those Territories to their natural resources, and to establish and maintain control over the future development of those resources. The need to protect the peoples of Non-Self-Governing Territories from exploitation and plundering by foreign economic interests was also addressed.

A distinction was made between economic activities that are detrimental to the peoples of these Territories and those directed to benefit them. It was recognized that there was a value of foreign economic investment undertaken in collaboration with the peoples of the Non-Self-Governing Territories and in accordance with their wishes in order to make a valid contribution to the socio-economic development of the Territories.

In the legal opinion it was also noted that the question of Western Sahara had been dealt with both by the General Assembly, as a question of decolonization, and by the Security Council, as a question of peace and security. However, since the Security Council resolutions pertaining to the political process were not considered relevant to the legal regime applicable to mineral resource activities in Non-Self-Governing Territories these resolutions were not dealt with in detail in the legal opinion.

Instead, the main issue identified was whether the principle of "permanent sovereignty" prohibits any activities related to natural resources undertaken by an administering Power in a Non-Self-Governing Territory, or only those which are undertaken in disregard of the needs, interests and benefits of the people of that Territory.

An examination of the case law of the International Court of Justice did not provide much guidance. Neither did an examination of State practice. Of particular interest in this context was the question of exploitation of uranium and other natural resources in Namibia by South Africa and a number of Western multinational corporations. This activity was considered illegal under Decree No.1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia, enacted in 1974 by the United Nations Council for Namibia, and was condemned by the General Assembly. (4)

But this conclusion must be considered bearing in mind Security Council resolution 276 (1970) of 30 January 1970, in which the Council declared that the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia was illegal and that consequently all acts taken by the Government of South Africa were illegal and invalid.

Also the case of East Timor under the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) was examined. In this case the so-called Timor Gap Treaty relating to exploration and exploitation of oil and natural gas deposits in the continental shelf was fully operational and concessions had been granted in the Zone of Cooperation by Indonesia and Australia, respectively.

UNTAET found that it was necessary to ensure the continuity of the practical arrangements of the Timor Gap Treaty for the duration of the UN administration. The mission therefore took the necessary legal steps to do so. UNTAET also negotiated on behalf of East Timor with Australia a draft "Timor Sea Arrangement" designed to replace the Timor Gap Treaty upon the independence of East Timor. For obvious reasons, during this process UNTAET consulted fully with representatives of the East Timorese people, who participated actively in the negotiations.

In applying an analogous analysis, the question became whether mineral resource activities in a Non-Self-Governing Territory by an administering Power are illegal, as such, or only if conducted in disregard of the needs and interests of the people of that Territory. An examination of the relevant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, General Assembly resolutions, the case law of the International Court of Justice and the practice of States led me to the conclusion that such activities would be illegal only in the latter situation.

The examination of the relevant material with respect to the rights of administering Powers led me to the general conclusion that the recent State practice, though limited, was illustrative of an opinio juris on the part of both administering Powers and third States: where resource exploitation activities are conducted in Non-Self-Governing Territories for the benefit of the peoples of those Territories, on their behalf or in consultation with their representatives, they are considered compatible with the Charter obligations of the administering Power and in conformity with the General Assembly resolutions and the principle of "permanent sovereignty over natural resources" enshrined therein.

Let me now quote the final paragraph of the legal opinion containing the conclusion:

The foregoing legal principles established in the practice of States and the United Nations pertain to economic activities in Non-Self-Governing Territories, in general, and mineral resource exploitation, in partiicular. It must he recognized, however, that in the present case, the contracts for oil reconnaissance and evaluation do not entail exploitation or the physical removal of the mineral resources, and no benefits have as of yet accrued. The conclusion is, therefore, that, while the specific contracts which are the subject of the Security Council’s request are not in themselves illegal, if further exploration and exploitation activities were to proceed in disregard of the interests and wishes of the people of Western Sahara, they would be in violation of the principles of international law applicable to mineral resource activities in Non-Self-Governing Territories.

This is, I believe, a very clear statement and I must confess that I am somewhat surprised that it has not been fully understood by all.

With respect to the conclusions in my legal opinion allow me first to reiterate that the Legal Counsel should confine himself to the question(s) asked.

Let me also emphasize that a legal opinion is not an academic discourse. It is not for the Legal Counsel to engage in a discussion of the kind that one would find in an academic writing, where the author is free to express opinions on all kinds of issues that emerge in the course of an analysis.

Furthermore, in this particular case the United Nations was - and is - engaged in a very delicate process in order to assist in finding a just solution, respecting the international rules on self-determination.

The opinion therefore had to be formulated with these aspects in mind.

Since it has been suggested that I "conveniently" avoided addressing certain questions or even engaged in "side-stepping" it is important to make clear that I was not asked to opine on the legal status of Western Sahara even if it was necessary to analyse this question in the process.(5)

In preparing for the formulation of the opinion I had my collaborators look at several options. Among those was certainly the option of basing the opinion on the laws of occupation, all the more so since I had officers with pal1icular expertise in this matter in my Office. However, in view of the way in which the UN had addressed the situation in Western Sahara and the result of the various analyses, I came to the conclusion that the best way to form a basis for the legal opinion was to make an analysis by analogy taking as a point of departure the competence of an administering Power. Any limitation of the powers of such entity acting in good faith would certainly apply a priori to an entity that did not qualify as an administering Power but de facto administered the Territory.

In applying such an analysis, I had come to the conclusion that mineral resource activities in a Non-Self-Governing Territory by an administering Power would be legal if conducted for the benefit of the peoples of such Territory, on their behalf or in consultation with their representatives. But, of course, this begs the question how one can as certain that these conditions are met.

With respect to the case of Western Sahara the question was therefore whether these conditions were fulfilled. As already mentioned, the analysis was made by analogy. Morocco does not have the status of administering Power with respect to Western Sahara. This meant that the situation had to be examined with the utmost sensitivity.

If the principle that the interests of the peoples of Non-Self-Governing Territories are paramount, and their well-being and development are the "sacred trust" of their respective administering Powers, this principle had to be applied with an extra margin in the present case. To what extent had the people of Western Sahara been involved in the process of granting the contracts? I believe that the situation obtaining in the territory for so many year’s and the fact that the question was raised in the Security Council is a clear indication that there might be a problem here.

However, as the two exploration contracts were formulated, there was no basis for declaring them illegal as such, in particular since they were concerned only with exploration. A deeper examination of this question would have raised a host of issues that would have been completely unmanageable for the Office of Legal Affairs. Would the result of the activity be for the benefit of the people of Western Sahara? A true answer to this question would be difficult to get. Had representatives of the people of Western Sahara been consulted (cf the way the UN proceeded in East Timor)? An answer to this question would have raised the further question as to who is competent to represent the Saharawi. To engage in such an activity would probably have raised more legal questions than answers. As a matter of fact, it would have led the analysis of the question put by the Security Council astray, and might have been considered wholly inappropriate by the Council. What was known and what could thus be included in the opinion was that no extractions had occurred and that no benefits had accrued.

Let me now explain that provision of legal advice requires first an interpretation of the letter and spirit of the question, the intent and expectation of the organ that seeks the advice and the context within which it is sought. In this case the Council had directed the Legal Counsel to analyse the question of the legality of granting the concessions in the context of international law and in the light of relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions and agreements concerning Western Sahara, all of which deal with different aspects of the question of the status of the territory and the powers to explore and exploit its resources - not the offering of contracts as such.

In directing the Legal Counsel to these sources of international law, the intention of the Council was to seek advice on the legality of the exploration and exploitation activities carried out in pursuance of the concessions, rather than the fact of granting them. Interpreting the question as one pertaining to the legality of granting the concessions only, in disregard of the very activity they were designed to regulate, would defeat the purpose of request.

It was against this background that the opinion was formulated in such a manner that it would be crystal clear that Morocco had no authority to engage in exploration or exploitation of mineral resources in Western Sahara if this was done in disregard of the interests and wishes of the people of Western Sahara.

In 5hol1: There was no basis for declaring that the specific contracts were illegal in themselves. This appears from the final sentence of the opinion, carefully drafted and discussed within the Office of Legal Affairs. At the same time the main clause of the final sentence constitutes a very clear message with respect to the legality of the activities in question: "[I] further exploration and exploitation activities were to proceed in disregard of the interests and wishes of the people of Western Sahara, they would be in violation of the principles of international law applicable to mineral resource activities in Non-Self-Governing Territories."

From this sentence follows that Morocco would have to engage in proper consultations with persons authorised to represent the people of Western Sahara before such activities would be allowed as was done by the United Nations in East Timor.

Finally, I note that the comment has been made that there is no reference to the United Nations Convention on the Law the Sea (UNCLOS) in the legal opinion. (6) In hindsight such a reference might have been appropriate. The only excuse that I can offer for not including such reference is that, based on my experiences as chairman of the Swedish delegation in the negotiation of three delimitation agreements with neighbouring States in the Baltic in the 1980s, I thought that it was so self-evident that the Convention would regulate the conditions in the sea off the coast of Western Sahara that it was not necessary to mention this specifically.

In a letter dated 2 April 2005, in which the Norwegian Petroleum Fund’s Council on Ethics made recommendations to the Norwegian Ministry of Finance, the point is made that Resolution III, which is annexed to UNCLOS, says that Article 77(1) of the Convention "indicates that the rights related to the continental shelf, which in this case seems to belong to the people of Western Sahara, encompasses both exploring and exploiting».

Referring to my opinion, the Council of Ethics drew the conclusion that there was a possible point of discrepancy between the legal framework concerning the law of the sea, and the legal opinion of the UN Legal Adviser. However, as is apparent from the last sentence of the legal opinion, there is no discrepancy whatsoever. As I just explained, the purpose of the formulation of that sentence was precisely to make clear that it encompassed both exploring and exploiting. And this is what the sentence says in so many words.

Other resources in Western Sahara

I have now come to the second part of my presentation, namely what conclusions could be drawn from the legal opinion in relation to other resources in Western Sahara. Here I can be very brief. As it appears from the material analysed in the process of preparing the legal opinion there is really not much room for making a distinction between mineral resources and other resources. Basically, this means that what is said in the legal opinion about mineral resources applies also to other resources.

It is interesting to note, as is mentioned in the legal opinion, that in 1975 the United Nations Visiting Mission to Spanish Sahara reported that at the time of the visit, four companies held prospecting concessions in offshore Spanish Sahara. In discussing the exploitation of phosphate deposits in the region of Bu Craa with Spanish officials, the Mission was told that the revenues expected to accrue would be used for the benefit of the Territory, that Spain recognized the sovereignty of the Saharan population over the Territory’s natural resources and that, apart from the return of its investment, Spain laid no claim to benefit from the proceeds. (7) The question is how this matter is dealt with by Morocco today.

A distinction can of course be made between renewable resources and non-renewable resources. A prominent non-renewable resource in Western Sahara is fishing. But I believe that it is fair to say that the law applicable to Non Self-Governing Territories does not make a distinction between different resources. They must all be used in the interests of the peoples in such Territories. An important question is therefore how the revenues from the fishing in the waters off Western Sahara benefit the people of the Territory.

As is well known, the European Commission concluded a Fisheries Partnership Agreement with Morocco in May 2006. That agreement applies in the "Moroccan fishing zones", which is said to mean the waters falling within "the sovereignty or jurisdiction of the Kingdom of Morocco" (Article 2). I suppose that the expression "or jurisdiction", which is found also in other agreements concluded by the Commission, refers to the Moroccan Exclusive Economic Zone. But it is obviously also used to indicate the waters belonging to Western Sahara. Under all circumstances there is no distinction made with respect to the waters adjacent to Western Sahara.

I must confess that I was quite taken aback when I learnt about this Agreement. Surely, good relations between Europe and Morocco are of greatest importance. And there is also a mutual interest that the fisheries off the coast of western Africa arc effectively managed and supervised. But I am sure that it would have been possible to find formulations that would have satisfied both parties and at the same time respected the legal regime that applies in the waters off Western Sahara. Any jurisdiction over those waters is subject to the limitations that follow from the rules on self-determination.

It has been suggested to me that the legal opinion that I delivered in 2002 had been invoked by the European Commission in support of the Fisheries Partnership Agreement. (8) I do not know if this is true. But if it is, I find it incomprehensible that the Commission could find any such support in the legal opinion, unless of course the Commission had ascertained that the people of Western Sahara had been consulted, had accepted the agreement and the manner in which the profits from the activity was to benefit them. However, an examination of the Agreement actually leads to a different conclusion.

The Protocol to the Agreement refers to "Morocco’s resources" (Article 4). With respect to the financial contribution, the Protocol says that subject to Article 6 of the Protocol "the Moroccan authorities shall have full discretion regarding the use to which this financial contribution is put". Article 6 prescribes in a long enumeration how the contribution should be allocated (Article 2, para. 6 and Article 6, para. 3). It is very difficult to identify the Saharawi in his enumeration. The protocol also mentions "the Moroccan fishing industry" (Article 8). The Annex mentions the "Moroccan Atlantic zone" (Chapter III), "Moroccan seamen" (Chapter VII) and "Moroccan ports" (Chapters VIII B and X). In Appendix 4 the limits of Moroccan fishing zones are indicated. Apart from some small-scale fishing between 34° 18’ N and 35° 48’ N off the coast of Morocco, the rest is indicated by "The entire Atlantic" (apart from a limited area) for tuna fishing and "South of 29o 00’ " for demersal fishing and industrial pelagic fishing. What does "South of 29° 00’ "mean? A tiny area southwards to 27°.28° N where the waters of Western Sahara commence, or all the waters southwards to where the waters of Mauritania meet at about 21o N? (9)

In all the pages of the Agreement there is not one word about the fact that Morocco’s "jurisdiction" is limited by the international rules on self-determination.

As a European I feel embarrassed. Surely, one would expect Europe and the European Commission - of all- to set an example by applying the highest possible international legal standards in matters of this nature.

Under all circumstances I would have thought that it was obvious that an agreement of this kind that does not make a distinction between the waters adjacent to Western Sahara and the waters adjacent to the territory of Morocco would violate international law.

The future - and the role that the business community might play

At this Conference it is for others to discuss how the question of Western Sahara could be solved fn the future. I will therefore not venture into a discussion with respect to this issue except to say that, il1’espective of how the final solution emerges, there must be guarantees that effective sovereignty is exercised over the Territory. The experiences from other parts of the world where there is a deficit in this respect are horrifying.

Let me now instead focus on enterprises and other entities that engage in business in Western Sahara. Even though the international law to which I have referred in the past may not be directly binding on private entities, this law nevertheless constitutes a foundation upon which such entities should base their ethical considerations.

I believe that it is common knowledge that many enterprises, including one of the companies that had been granted one of the contracts that was the object of the legal opinion, have withdrawn from Western Sahara. I have also been informed that pension funds and similar institutions have decided for ethical reasons not to invest in companies that do business in Western Sahara on the basis of contracts granted by Morocco.

What we see here is the result of considerations based on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). To honour CSR is a movement that is becoming more and more widespread. This is something discussed within the International Bar Association and other organisations with which I presently interact. In discussions that I have had with corporate counsels of major companies engaged in international trade it is evident that CSR is now very high on the agenda in corporate boardrooms around the world and constitutes an important element in risk management.

It should be noted in this context that the International Court of Justice in its 1975 Advisory Opinion declared that it had found no "legal ties of such a nature as might affect the application of resolution 1514 (XV) in the decolonization of Western Sahara and, in particular, of the principle of self-determination through the free and genuine expression of the will of the peoples of the Territory." 10

It is regrettable that a solution respecting the principles of self-determination has not been reached with respect to Western Sahara despite all the time that has lapsed since Spain relinquished its duties back in 1975. Because of this impasse, the way in which the business community acts might become a determining factor.

Who knows, maybe for ethical reasons the business community will join hands and decide that they will not enter into contracts offered by Morocco and relating to Western Sahara unless it is clear that the contracts are in conformity with international law. If this happens, CSR might contribute to bringing the process forward.

In addition to the steps already taken in this respect by certain companies and funds, further initiatives may be taken within the framework of the Global Compact and at the invitation of organizations like Business Leaders Initiative on Human Rights and CSR Europe. (11)

Concluding remarks

Let me now close by making some general remarks about the main topic of the Conference: multilateralism and international law. Western Sahara is here referred to as a case study, and it is important that we do not lose sight of the overriding theme.

Basically, what the question boils down to is the rule of law in international relations. No States, not even the most powerful ones, can any longer act on their own. The only way forward in our globalised world is that States cooperate and act together. In other words: multilateralism.

The most sophisticated way to do this is through law, be it customary law or treaty law. The system is based on the principle pacta sunt servanda - agreements must be honoured.

The foremost treaty in this system is the Charter of the United Nations, negotiated in the wake of the Second World War. Based on experiences from two world wars, the Charter was designed "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war", An important provision in the Charter is Article 103 that basically means that the Charter trumps other international agreements in case there is a conflict between such agreements and the Charter.

All this means that international law must be upheld. Arguments are sometimes made that "facts of life", "geopolitical reality" and "realpolitik" require solutions that may not be in complete conformity with the law.

Maybe it is my background in the judiciary of my country that always brings me back to the starting point: the state under the rule of law. By this I mean that the laws should be adopted in a democratic society respecting international human rights standards and that these laws must be upheld.

This principle simply cannot stop at national borders. A rule-based international society is the only way forward if we want to make sure that we do not fall back into the anarchy of the past.

One of the characteristics of a rule-based system is that disputes must be settled under the law. This means that not every party will be satisfied with the result. But that is in the nature of things and must be accepted for the sake of the overriding interest that disputes are settled by peaceful means.

It is evident that laws can be outdated or prove not to serve the purpose for which they were enacted. But then such laws should be changed in accordance with constitutional rules and principles. They should not be manipulated and certainly not dictated by naked power.

This is where I see a need for change for the better in the future. As I have said many times before, I was very disappointed to see during my tenure in the United Nations that prominent Members sometimes violated the law - the very law they were set to guard - when it suited their interests.

Governments simply must join hands and work towards what is in their common interest and in the interest of all peoples of the world: a rule-based international system. If governments do not do this, all that will be left: fat’ coming generations will be to argue over the ashes that are left when the inevitable confrontation is over.

Thank you for your attention!

Notes

1) When I accepted the invitation, the program indicated the participation of an official representative of the Government of Morocco. However, at the Conference no such representative appeared which I very much regret.

2) UN doc. S/2002/161.

3) See p. 68-72 in Corell, H. Reflections on the Security Council and Its Mandate to Maintain International Peace and Security. In: Law at War - The Law as it was and the Law as it Should Be. Ed. O. Engdahl and P. Wrange. Koninklijke Brill BV. The Netherland (2008) (I’. 61-74)

4) Resolutions 36/51 of 24 November 1981 and 39/42 of 5 December 1984.

5) See e.g. Mascal Brus and Vincent Chapaux in International Law and the Question of Western Sahara. Ed. by Aarin Arts and Pedro Pinto Leite. International Platform of Jurists for East Timor, The Netherlands 2007.

6) See Carlos Wilson in op cit. in note 5.

7) UN doc. A/10023/Rev.l, p. 52.

8) According to an article in EU Observer on 9 March 2006 under the title "Commission under fire over Morocco fisheries agreement", EU fisheries commissioner Joe Borg has stated that Morocco is the de facto administrator of Western Sahara and that therefore (my emphasis) the Commission proposal is in conformity with the legal opinion of the United Nations issued in January 2002. See http://euobserver.com/9/21092. If this reference is correct, I am afraid that Commissioner Borg has been ill advised.

9) In the FAO Statistics the minimum latitude for Western Sahara is 20° N and the maximum latitude is 27° N. Correspondingly, the minimum latitude for Morocco is 27° N. The fact that fishing takes place in the waters off Western Sahara was confirmed by Commissioner Borg in an answer to Parliamentary questions on 9 Apri12008. E-1073/2008. See http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getAllAnswers.do?reference=E-2008-1973&language=IT

10) Western Sahara, Advisory Opinion. I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 12.

11) Reference is made to the Global Compact with its four components (human rights, labour, environment and anti-corruption) at http://www.unglobalcompact.org. The Business Leaders Initiative on Human Rights can be found at http://www.blihr.orgl and the web address to CSR Europe is http://www.csreurope.org/.




quarta-feira, 10 de dezembro de 2008

Haidar’s intervention in the Conference on Western Sahara in Pretoria


The Saharawi human rights’ activist and ex-prisoner of conscience, Aminatou HAidar, gave an intervention during a Conference “on Multilateralism and International Law with Western Sahara as case study”, hosted by the South African Department of Foreign Affairs and the University of Pretoria, 4 and 5 December.

Here is the complete text of Aminatou Haidar’s speech:
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Ladies and Gentlemen
Dear Friends

Allow me, first of all, to greet you and wish everyone at this very important conference the greatest success in accomplishing, through the proceedings of this conference, a contribution to the respect of the right of the Saharawi people to live in peace, freedom and dignity.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As you know, my people, the Saharawi people, have suffered greatly from the consequences of an unjust war carried out against our will by the Moroccan state since 1975. The invasion of Western Sahara by the Moroccan army was coupled with a campaign of blind repression against the Saharawi civilian population, in towns and villages and in the countryside, inaugurating a bloody way of life never before known in the history of Western Sahara.

Thousands of Saharawis, of all ages and both sexes have been subjected to a collective punishment, consisting in exposing them to forced disappearance, arbitrary detention, being buried alive in mass graves, while others have been quite simply thrown out of helicopters.

It is during these years that the nameless secret dungeons of Kalaat Maggouna, Agdez, Derb Moulay Chrif, Skoura and the PC-CMI in occupied El Aaiun, were to transform themselves into concentration camps for Saharawi civilians. Hundreds of Saharawis served sentences of 16 years’ disappearance in these prisons. Some succumbed under the bad conditions of detention.

As for the « commission group » of which I was part, it was 400-strong, Saharawi men and women, all abducted on the eve of the arrival of a UN commission awaited on November 20th 1987 in the capital city of Western Sahara, El Aaiun . Four died and left us during our horrible and indescribable experience lasting nearly 4 years, in the secret detention centre the PC-CMI in occupied El Aaiun. We spent all these years blindfolded and handcuffed, with bad food, no health care or hygienic conditions, on top of that daily torture sessions, threats of rape, these were the practices to which we were subjected throughout this long and hard period of forced disappearance.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Since 1976 and up until the present time over 500 Saharawis have « disappeared » and Morocco refuses to make a pronouncement on their fate, while it carries out propaganda campaigns of a pseudo truth commission, known as the « Equity and Reconciliation Body », which travels the world without delivering any real answers on the human rights abuses perpetrated against the Saharawi population.
Honorable audience,

Since May 21st 2005, a non-violent uprising of the Saharawi population has been under way in Western Sahara, a series of demonstrations in southern Morocco and in the Moroccan university campuses, proclaiming respect for the Saharawi people’s right to self-determination. Each time this has dangerous repercussions for the demonstrators who endure severe baton attacks, torture, going as far as death, as in the cases of some young Saharawis: Hamdi Lambarki, Bachaikh Lakhlifi and Sidha Uld Lahbib, who lost their lives under blows from Moroccan police in the middle of the street. Or by serving heavy prison sentences of up to 15 years, as with the case of the Saharawi human rights defender, Yahia Mohamed Elhafed, or again, enduring permanent infirmities following brutal interventions by the Moroccan security forces, which cost a Saharawi student, Sultana Khaya the loss of her right eye, Lwali Quadimi became a total paraplegic, without saying anything of the
daily routine of ransacking houses of Saharawi citizens and incessant campaigns of intimidation and harassment of Saharawi human rights defenders, including arrest and torture, even dismissal from one’s job, ban on freedom of movement, being forcibly moved to Moroccan towns or forbidden from enrolling in universities as is the case with two Saharawi human rights defenders and members of CODESA, Ali Salem Tamek and Alamin Sahel.


As for myself, the Moroccan security forces tortured me in the street on 17 June 20005 for being a human rights defender and after having received first aid at the hospital in occupied El Aaiun, they arrested me and on the basis of falsified and non-authentic charges, I served 7 months locked up in the Black Prison of El Aaiun. Until now, I still can not find an employment, just because I commemorated the International Women’s Day in March 2005!!!

Furthermore, human rights activists carry out their duties in very difficult conditions, considering the systematic ban on forming human rights NGOs, at the moment the collective of Saharawi human rights defenders, CODESA, of which I am president, is still banned by the Moroccan administrative authority, as is the Saharawi association of human rights abuses, ASVDH.

Honorable audience,

The right of Saharawi pupils and students to education is under threat because of repressive and discriminatory practices exercised by the Moroccan authorities against this stratum of Saharawi society.

Actually, since May 2005, our educational establishments have been transformed into veritable police stations, where school children are exposed to beatings, arrest, and other acts of intimidation and humiliation. And the Saharawi students in Moroccan universities live in even worst situation. They suffer discrimination, torture, imprisonment and arbitrary detention. In effect, this week the Moroccan authorities committed a crime against the Sahrawi students in the Moroccan city of Agadir. Two Sahrawi students at the University of Ibn Zohar in Agadir died, Hossein Abdessadik Alketyif (20 years), Khya Baba Abdelaziz (22 years), after being run over by a bus and dozens were injured, while they were taking part in a sit-in to demand transport to go to spend the Aid El-Adha feast with their families. In the face of this alarming situation, the Moroccan police, instead of arresting this Moroccan criminal, they proceeded to torturing the other students who were demonstrating and arrested many of them. This confirms the implication of the Moroccan authorities in this crime. After these assassinations, all cities in Western Sahara were put under military siege and schools are surrounded by Moroccan police, while houses of Sahrawi activist are under constant surveillance. Unfortunately, Morocco is committing all these crimes in a military blocked territory, where the media and the NGO’s are denied access.



Ladies and Gentlemen

The economic crimes committed by the Moroccan state in the occupied territories of Western Sahara, are no less harmful than the violation of political and civil rights of the Saharawi people. The natural resources of Western Sahara have, for years, been the object of large-scale pillage. Fishing in the Saharawi national waters, the exportation of phosphate from Boucraa and the level of exploitation are illegal acts according to resolution 1803 of the General Assembly 14 December 1966 on the « permanent sovereignty over natural resources », article 1 (paragraph 42).

Ladies and Gentlemen

Allow me to let you know that the European Union’s policy concerning the issue of Western Sahara is far from the aspirations of the Saharawi people; certain positions even go against our aspirations, as is the case of the fishing agreement concluded between Morocco and the European Union with no legal basis. The European policy towards Western Sahara continues to be deceiving, for not saying that is accomplice.

We do not understand the silence of the European Union concerning Morocco’s lack of respect for the clauses relating to human rights contained in the Partnership between the European Union and this country. But what is even more serious is the granting by the European Union of an Advanced Status to Morocco, without excluding the territory of the Western Sahara.

I can confirm to you that this will intensify the Moroccan repressive apparatus against the Saharawi civilian population. As a victim of Moroccan repression and also as a Saharawi human rights defender, and president of CODESA, I would like to testify that the situation has seriously deteriorated and that Saharawi population is in distress. I, therefore, call for the protection of their basic rights, and it is urgent and imperative to make more strenuous efforts and to intensify our work to put an end to these suffering. Today after these assassinations, the European Union cannot remain indifferent and should send an enquiry mission to investigate this crime. It is also its duty to work urgently to make possible the visit of the ad hoc delegation of the European Parliament to the occupied territories of Western Sahara. Morocco has never been willing to allow the visit of the delegation since its establishment in October 2005.

Shouldn’t the Saharawi people, as a victim, benefit from international protection, in face of this ferocious repression campaign? For how long will the international community keep up its deplorable attitude of quietly assisting a parallel form of foreign domination which is visibly harmful to the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination?

The Committee of the United Nations High Commission for Human Rights, which carried out a visit to Western Sahara from 15 to 19 May 2006, confirmed in its report that all the violations committed by the Moroccan authorities in Western Sahara flow from the denial of the fundamental right which is the foundation of the United Nations, namely the right to self-determination of the Saharawi people.

Ladies and Gentlemen

Allow me, on behalf of my colleagues in CODESA and on behalf of all the Saharawi defenders of human rights, to launch from this platform, an urgent appeal to the whole international community and above all to the United Nations, to put a substantial effort behind the protection of Saharawi citizens living under Moroccan occupation. It is highly desirable to put in place a mechanism for the protection and promotion of their fundamental rights.

Finally, I would like to seize this opportunity to remind you that about forty Saharawi political prisoners, including human rights defenders, are today behind bars in Morocco’s prisons and in the Black Prison of occupied El Aaiun. They are in deplorable conditions of detention.

These prisoners need our support and our solidarity in order to recover their freedom. Let us mobilize ourselves for their immediate release and to disclose the fate of all the other disappeared Saharawis since 1976.

Thank you very much.

Pretoria, 5 December 2008


Summary and Main Conclusions


Address by Ambassador Ebrahim Saley, Chief Director: North Africa – Summary and Main Conclusions at the Conference on Multilateralism and International Law with Western Sahara as a Case Study, held in Pretoria, South Africa, 4 and 5 December 2008.
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Excellencies; Distinguished Guests;
Ladies and Gentlemen;
Colleagues;

As we reach the conclusion of this Conference on Multilateralism and International Law with Western Sahara as a Case Study, on behalf of the hosts, the Department of Foreign Affairs of South Africa and the University of Pretoria, I would like to thank you all for participating and the speakers in particular for their valuable insight.

We are thankful that to the University of Pretoria for having agreed to co-host this Conference with the Department of Foreign Affairs, particularly as the University celebrates its centenary year. This university with its rich heritage of academic excellence provided an appropriate setting for the discussions we have had over the last two days on such an important and relevant issue.

Over the last two days we have had the honour and privilege of having heard valuable presentations from some of the world’s foremost experts on the topic that we were discussing: Multilateralism and International Law with Western Sahara as a Case Study.

During our deliberations, we have reflected on the status of the territory under international law, the principle of self-determination, the respect for human rights and international humanitarian law, obligations on third states and the lawfulness and/or legitimacy of natural resource exploitation in Western Sahara.

Our discussions have shown us that the conflict in Western Sahara and the response from the international community in resolving the issue presents a pertinent case study for the assertion that legality remains the essential prerequisite for the resolution of conflict between nations.

We began our discussion by examining the legal claims to Western Sahara. In assessing these claims, there were differing views on the application of self-determination. The one view was that self-determination has become a peremptory norm of international law since the adoption of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) on 14 December 1960.

Another view put forward was that there cannot be an automatic application of self-determination and that the concept of self-determination has different meanings. The historical claims of Morocco and the Saharawi people to the territory were also examined to ascertain the legality of each of the claims.

During the session on the historical background on Western Sahara, we were provided with a fascinating and insightful background into the history of the territory and the origins of its colonial domination. As part of this discussion we were informed of the role of the European powers, Spain and France, in determining the status and borders of the territory and its neighbouring States. It became clear that throughout the period of European domination of the territory, Western Sahara was treated as a separate entity to that of its neighbours, including the Kingdom of Morocco. The classification as to who constitutes the Saharawi nation was also discussed. It became clear that the Saharawi’s are clearly defined as a people.

We also explored the role of civil society in the occupied territories and how this is strengthening and becoming a key obstacle to effective Moroccan control over the occupied territories. The unarmed civilian resistance from within was described as a unique opportunity to build on the activities of those operating from outside to resist illegal Moroccan occupation. Analogies were drawn to similar occurrences in East Timor’s fight for independence and the fight against Apartheid in South Africa.

It should be recalled that neither the United Nations nor any regional or international organisation, nor any other country in the world, has recognised Morocco’s claims of sovereignty over Western Sahara. The Moroccan territorial claims to Western Sahara have been rejected by the advisory opinions of both the International Court of Justice on 16 October 1975 and the Legal Department of the United Nations on 29 January 2002.

During our in depth examination of the 16 October 1975 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), it became clear that the Court made two significant findings. One that the territory was not terra nullius and thus not a territory not occupied by any people. Secondly, the Court asserted that no links of sovereignty existed between the territory of Western Sahara and its neighbours Morocco and Mauritania. Thus there were no ties that would affect the application of General Assembly Resolution 1514 granting the right to self-determination. What became evident during our discussion was that in the case of Western Sahara self-determination does not grant sovereignty, instead it retains or relinquishes sovereignty already granted to the territory by the ICJ decision.

The role of the international community, particularly the United Nations and its Security Council was analysed and it became clear that due to the support offered to Morocco by some of the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, Morocco has succeeded in resisting its international legal responsibilities. The illegal occupation of the territory has never been condemned and Morocco has never been forced to comply with any of it previous undertakings such as the agreement to hold a referendum.

It was noted that the second decade for the eradication of colonisation is coming to an end, yet Morocco’s colonisation of Western Sahara continues unabated and with impunity. Moroccan has presented its autonomy plan as its only solution to the conflict, however it was pointed out that Morocco was offering a plan “in a place it has no legal right to be to a people of a region it is illegally occupying”.

One possible solution was offered for moving the current stalemate forward and this was to terminate the mandate of MINURSO as a means of placing pressure on Morocco. However it was also pointed out that MINURSO does have a positive role to play and its departure would be a symbol of the international community washing its hands of this conflict, which is something we cannot afford to do. Instead there was a view that MINURSO’s mandate should be strengthened to allow it to play a more meaningful role.

The Security Council should be urged to provide MINURSO with a mandate to monitor and report on the human rights situation within its area of operations. The presence of MINURSO serves as a reminder as to why it was mandated to operate in the first place, i.e. to administer a referendum.

We were reminded that Africa can never regard itself free from colonial domination if any part of it remains occupied. However imperfect it may be, the sanctity of colonial boundaries is a principle that that has been uniformly applied to ascertain the post-colonial boundaries of African states. To alter this fundamental principle would have far reaching consequences all over the continent.

During our discussions, we explored the concept of occupation. We were informed that occupation law is the very antithesis of self-determination and that citizens living under military occupation suffer serious, widespread and prolonged abuses of their human rights and that this is the case for the Western Sahara. We were provided with first-hand testimony of a human rights activist that faced these human rights abuses.

We have also reached broad consensus that the issue of Western Sahara is more than just an issue about self-determination. It is also an issue of the violation of the international law and continued occupation. There cannot be good occupation and bad occupation. There is only bad occupation be it in Palestine or in Western Sahara. Should the occupation continue, without affording the right to self-determination for the people of Western Sahara, it would be the first time since the founding of the UN after the Second World War that the international community would endorse a concept of occupation by force for the purpose of expanding ones territory.

In examining the role of natural resources in the Western Sahara conflict, we were informed that the legal opinion provided to the United Nations Security Council by the UN Legal Counsel in 2002 made it clear that if exploration and exploitation activities were to proceed in disregard of the interests and wishes of the people of Western Sahara, they would be in violation of the principles of international law applicable to mineral resource activities in Non-Self Governing Territories. Furthermore we discussed how the exploitation of natural resources in Western Sahara plays a central role in strengthening Morocco’s presence in the occupied territory.

In summing up all the interventions that we have heard, it becomes clear that the Saharawi people have been denied their just and legal right to determine their own political destiny. We are concerned that such denial is a reflection of the erosion of a rules-based system that we had collectively agreed to in 1945 to ensure a stable and peaceful world. We are concerned that despite the reflection of global opinion that the 192 Member States reflect each year through their votes in the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly that their repeated call to see Western Sahara, a declared and undisputed Non-Self Governing Territory, determine its own political destiny and remove the yolk of colonialism, continuously go unheeded. We are concerned that acts of and denial, non-cooperation and further non-action could contribute to the breakdown of these codified set of rules – which we understood to be mutually beneficial and inclusive or else we would not have adopted them in the first place.

“Western Sahara: from stalemate to statehood”


This intervention was presented by Mr Mhamed Khadad
Saharawi Coordinator with the MINURSO during the works of the “International conference on multilateralism and international law, with Western Sahara as a case study”, held in Pretoria, South Africa, 4 and 5 December 2008.
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“Western Sahara: from stalemate to statehood”

Ladies and gentlemen

I am deeply grateful to the South African Department of Foreign Affairs and the University of Pretoria for hosting this international conference. I want to extend on this occasion my sincere thanks and gratitude to the people of South Africa and its government for their dedication to peace, stability and freedom across the African continent. The Frente POLISARIO and the Saharawi people have always enjoyed the support and solidarity of the South African. We are eternally grateful for this support, which has sustained us in the past and continues to do so today. We can achieve little without the fortitude of our friends and allies.

Ladies and Gentlemen

The Charter of the United Nations represents a social pact that underpins relations between states and the basic tenants for human interaction based on commonly accepted legal and moral principles. This does not include the law of the jungle. The UN’s multilateralism was aimed at creating an international democratic order in which all states start from a level playing field. Decolonization was the promise of the United Nations Charter and was born out of the legitimate struggle of colonies to exercise their right to self-determination Any analysis of Western Sahara must start from this basic premise.

Thirty-three years have now passed since the invasion of my country by Morocco. It is worth dwelling for a moment on that time span. Thirty-three years of occupation and dispossession. Thirty-three years in which the international community has had more pressing concerns. Thirty-three years of oppression and the systematic abuse of the human rights of my people inside their territory. And thirty-three years of displacement for the refugees driven from their homeland, left to dwell in camps in the desert, longing for their return.

Those thirty-three years speak clearly to all of us here today. For the Sahrawi, multilateralism and international law have so far produced very little. We remain oppressed and dispossessed, and Morocco remains unchallenged in its illegal occupation of the territory of Western Sahara, the last colony in Africa.

Since the International Court of Justice pronounced its emphatic views on the subject in 1975, there have been scores of UN resolutions – in both the Security Council and the General Assembly – reiterating the right of the Saharawi to a process of self-determination. But to this day, our people have been signally unable to exercise that right. As recognized by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in its 2006 report, all human rights abuses in the territory flow directly from the denial of one fundamental right - the right to self-determination.

After sixteen years of war, the UN mission for the referendum in Western Sahara – MINURSO – was deployed in 1991, to monitor and carry out the exercise of that right. Despite its long history in the territory, MINURSO has barely begun that task, let alone complete it. Morocco, with the complicity of certain members of the Security Council, has succeeded in serially obstructing its work for more than 17 years. And despite this abject failure, the Security Council continues to renew the mission’s mandate, doing nothing to challenge or circumvent Morocco’s blocking tactics. MINURSO is a living embodiment of the UN’s failure to enact its own decisions.

What is the right way forward? It is tempting to lose hope in international law, lose hope in multilateralism, and lose hope that a peaceful resolution is possible. It begs the question: should the Polisario return to battle to dislodge the occupier from our land? There is indeed considerable frustration both inside the territory and in the refugee camps that the international community has manifestly failed its own standards, its own laws, in its feeble approach to the Western Sahara. And despite this neglect, we have been steadfast in our resolve to honor our side of the ceasefire agreed in 1991, waiting for the international community to deliver. We have very little to show for our patience. And patience has its limits.

Against this backdrop, I will now lay out simply the key themes for the Polisario’s political and diplomatic strategy going forward, all with a view to ending the occupation, and at last liberating our people and our land. In other words, this is the current blueprint for our journey from “stalemate to statehood”.

Theme 1: the United Nations

During the lifetime of the United Nations, over 80 colonies have attained their independence. But the so-called UN process of decolonization has in our case been an empty one. The Polisario would welcome a peaceful and mutually agreeable fulfillment of the international community’s responsibility. But following the involvement of more than ten special representatives and personal envoys, three unfulfilled peace plans, more than one billion dollars in MINURSO budgets and dozens of UN resolutions, the Saharawi people continue to wait patiently for a democratic and legitimate outcome. The status quo cannot continue indefinitely.

Following four rounds of the Manhasset talks, we wait again for the appointment of a new Personal Envoy, charged with resuming talks by mandate of the Security Council. We are very concerned at reports of ongoing Moroccan efforts to delay the appointment of the Secretary-General’s chosen candidate, Ambassador Christopher Ross, and to somehow insist that Ross pick up where his predecessor, Peter Van Walsum, left off. The new Personal Envoy must be free to discharge his work, operating according to his mandate from the Secretary-General and the Security Council, and without interference from either party. The Secretary-General must confirm the appointment without further delay.

The Polisario was happy to work with Peter van Walsum. But his personal, and final, statement to the UN Security Council earlier this year, was frankly unacceptable. He overstepped his role as a mediator in the negotiations. Van Walsum in essence argued that the only “realistic” solution to the dispute was for the Polisario to accept the Moroccan colonial fait accompli, and to exclude the option of a free and open process of self-determination with the possibility of independence.

There are several reasons why this statement was unacceptable: first, it is not for the UN to say which part of international law it chooses to ignore - if the UN sides with an illegal occupier, there is no hope for the dispossessed, the occupied, worldwide; second, Van Walsum’s statement completely disregarded the very reasonable proposal for a solution put forward by the Polisario on 10 April 2007; and third, Van Walsum’s statement was itself unrealistic. There will be no solution which does not in some way reflect the legal requirement for decolonization, and one that allows the people of Western Sahara to exercise their fundamental right to self-determination. Morocco’s “autonomy” plan claims to fulfill this right by offering a vote on that autonomy. But to rightfully reflect the free expression and will of the people, the process cannot be predetermined nor circumscribed. It must leave all options on the table, including the option for
our people to choose the establishment of an independent state.

Of all the world’s institutions, the UN must reflect this basic legal reality. This reality has been reflected in the language of every single Security Council resolution since the invasion, through to this day. It is a reality well understood by previous Personal Envoy, James Baker, and one which Christopher Ross will need to accommodate and ultimately reflect in his work, once appointed. To this end, he will enjoy our full cooperation.

We do not want nor expect our own fait accompli, just respect for international law. We are ready to discuss with Morocco and the international community, as reflected in our proposal of 10 April 2007, the nature and contours of a future Western Saharan state within its internationally recognized borders. We are ready to accommodate in some way the security needs of others and to address and respect the rights of all those who now live in the Western Sahara, including Moroccans. A Saharawi state would be cognizant of the concerns of our neighbours further to the north, including migration, people and drug smuggling, the sustainable development of natural resources and the ever-present scourge of terrorism. We are ready to discuss how our state can properly address these issues. We stand ready to cooperate. What more could be expected of us? This is our firm commitment.

Theme 2: Natural resources

The second element or pillar of our campaign is to end the illegal exploitation of Western Sahara’s natural resources. It is clear to all observers that Morocco’s theft of our natural endowments is an important driver of its ongoing illegal occupation. And the knowing customers for these illegal exports are equally at fault.

On most estimates, Morocco’s exploitation of Western Saharan phosphates alone earns it at least $2 billion per year in illegal income, and likely much more. And to its considerable discredit, the EU pays Morocco tens of millions of dollars a year to allow European vessels to pillage the world-class fisheries resources that rightfully belong to the people of the Western Sahara. As confirmed in 2002 by then-UN Legal Counsel Mr Hans Corell, the exploitation of these resources, in flagrant disregard of the interests and wishes of the people of Western Sahara, is in clear violation of international law.

These illegal activities must be curtailed and terminated, and has become a focus for our political strategy and decision-making. The Polisario is considering - with its partners and allies - what steps it can take legally and diplomatically to combat this theft of property. All options are on the table.

We call upon all states to ensure that their companies do not collaborate with Morocco in this illegal behaviour. We call upon the EU to exclude Western Saharan waters from the scope of its fisheries arrangements with Morocco, and to do the same in respect of any agreement that flows from Morocco’s pursuit of enhanced status with the EU. It is bizarre and unconscionable that the EU, which prides itself on its commitment to human rights and international law, should collaborate in, and benefit from, the theft of Western Sahara’s resources. The Saharawi Government will not allow this to continue.

Theme 3: Human Rights

The third pillar of our campaign is to draw attention to Morocco’s continuing and systematic abuse of Saharawi human rights. Today, this year and for thirty-three years of occupation, Morocco has repressed the Saharawi people. It imprisons Saharawis illegally; it denies them proper trial. Saharawis in the territory are regularly arrested without cause, beaten and sometimes tortured. Some have died. And Morocco has still failed to account for the more than 500 Saharawi prisoners who have disappeared following arrest by Moroccan authorities.

This record of abuse has been documented by several international human rights organizations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Francesco Bastagli, the former head of MINURSO, testified bravely and honestly to the General Assembly Fourth Committee this year that the UN has failed to protect the Saharawi people in their homeland.

Only once in thirty-three years of occupation – in 2006 – did the UN send a mission by its human rights officials. The as-yet unreleased report by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights recommended clearly that the UN should institute regular monitoring of human rights in the territory and the camps, a recommendation which we in the Polisario are happy to accommodate. But this recommendation, now over two years’ old, has not been implemented by the UN. No other UN peacekeeping mission operates without this indispensible requirement. There is no reason why MINURSO should be the lone exception to the rule.

Concluding remarks

Ladies and gentlemen

I have described for you today the tapestry of the long Saharawi struggle – the journey from stalemate to statehood. The common thread for this journey has, and will always be, the inalienable right to self-determination. To those who would bet on our resolve weakening, it will not. Thirty-three years of determination and suffering are not enough? Backed by international law, full membership of the African Union, and a growing number of friends a cross the world, we stand ready to take our rightful place among the community of nations. We are ready to assume the mantle of statehood

Our struggle is symbolic of a broader theme, which our hosts here in South Africa know as well as anyone – the struggle for liberation and the end to colonialism. We are inspired by South Africa’s victory in this struggle, and we are heartened by its solidarity with us as we walk our own ‘road to freedom’. South Africa’s strong support, and its special influence in the Security Council over the last two years, has meant a world of difference for the Sahrawi people. Isn’t it high time for Africa to have a permanent seat in the Security Council?

Our struggle is not one of choice. Self-determination is a fundamental human right, a peremptory norm of international law, and a sine qua non for resolving the dispute over Western Sahara. Without a free and fair referendum, there can be no way forward.

Thank you.


Intervention of South African Deputy Minister Sue van der Merwe



Address by Deputy Minister Sue van der Merwe on Multilateralism and the Respect for International Law as Strategic Objectives of South Africa’s Foreign Policy at the Conference on Multilateralism and International Law with Western Sahara as a Case Study, held in Pretoria, South Africa, 4 and 5 December 2008.
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Professor Pistorius, Vice Chancellor of the University of Pretoria
Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, Amb Alzubeidi
Excellencies, Heads of Mission accredited to South Africa
Ambassador Hans Carrel,
Ambassador Frank Ruddy,
Mr Khadad
Prof El Ouali
Members of the Parliament of South Africa
Speakers and Moderators
Distinguished Guests
Ladies and Gentlemen
Colleagues,

Fifty-one years ago, a young senator from Massachusetts with his eye on the White House took a big gamble. On the Senate floor, before his astonished colleagues, John F. Kennedy gave a controversial speech that questioned nearly all of the assumptions of American foreign policy and delved deeply into a topic that no one wanted to talk about. He was instantly denounced by the White House, the State Department, American allies, and the press. But the speech eventually won him admirers around the world, and brought him closer to his party’s nomination for president. The immediate subject of Kennedy’s speech was the war that France had been fighting for three years against insurgents in Algeria. When Kennedy rose to deliver the speech, on July 2, 1957, he began with a ringing statement.

“The most powerful single force in the world today,” he said, “is neither communism nor capitalism, neither the H-bomb nor the guided missile - it is man’s eternal desire to be free and independent.” Hardly anyone would disagree with that. But he continued with a provocative thought - that “imperialism” was the chief foe of freedom. “Thus the single most important test of American foreign policy today is how we meet the challenge of imperialism, what we do to further man’s desire to be free.”

For centuries the masses of our people, throughout our continent, waged heroic struggles to free all our countries from the inhuman systems of colonialism and apartheid. Even after most of our countries were free, those who had liberated themselves made the determination that they could only enjoy the fruits of freedom and independence when the rest of the continent was liberated. South Africa as a member of the United Nations and the African Union is obligated to actively support the legitimate right of the Saharawi People to choose their own destiny. In this support, South Africa remains committed to the following principles and objectives:

The right to self-determination and the recognition of colonial borders
Respect for international humanitarian law and the rendering of humanitarian assistance and support
The principles of multilateralism and international legality and the centrality of the African Union and United Nations in the resolution of the conflict
The non-exploitation of natural resources of the illegally occupied territory
Stability and integration of the Maghreb Union
In South Africa, the journey to freedom and democracy was one in which many people made great sacrifices. South Africa endured many trials and overcame many obstacles to get to the first democratic election in 1994. It was indeed a long struggle that claimed many lives. Ours was a just struggle and ultimately South Africans achieved that which they had fought so hard to bring about, a new non-racial, non-sexist democratic South Africa.

South Africans also know that they were not alone in their struggle against apartheid. On our continent and throughout the world people stood in solidarity with the struggle against apartheid. This international solidarity against apartheid in South Africa was by all accounts a critical factor in creating the conditions for the peaceful transition to the new South Africa. A new South Africa that was ultimately founded on principles and values enshrined in our Constitution.

One of the cornerstones of our democracy is the Bill of Rights which enshrines the rights of all people in our country and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom for all South Africans. South Africa’s foreign policy is guided by this principle and the vision of “a better South Africa in a better Africa and a better World,” that is, a better life for all. In other words, human and peoples rights remain central to our conduct of international relations.

Key to this foreign policy is the pursuit of a rules based international order. In an increasingly conflict ridden world, the role of international law and the continued affirmation of the legal rights of people and nations through the promotion of multilateralism, human rights and democracy are the central tenets of a policy of securing peace and prosperity at home, on the African continent and the world at large.

The right to self-determination was the philosophical basis upon which our own nation, South Africa, was created. Self-determination is enshrined in the United Nations Charter and the African Union Constitutive Act and is regarded as a basic human right. The United Nations has passed many of resolutions reaffirming the indigenous Saharawi’s right to self-determination, establishing the Mission for the Referendum in the Western Sahara (MINURSO) in 1991. The United Nations has been unequivocal in its support of this right and has indicated that when territories such as the Western Sahara are transitioning out of colonialism, the people of those territories should have the option of freely choosing between independence, association with an independent state, or integration with an independent state. During the last two years that South Africa served as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council we continued to support the call for the right of self determination of the people of Western Sahara.
South Africa’s recognition of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic on 15 September 2004 came in the wake of Morocco’s decision to rule out any possibility for a referendum in Western Sahara. Such a response by the Government of Morocco to the UN Peace Plan effectively denies the people of Western Sahara their right to self-determination, contrary to fundamental and inviolable international law and the earlier solemn commitments.

The conflict in Western Sahara and the response from the International Community in resolving the issue presents a pertinent case study for the assertion that legality remains the essential prerequisite for the resolution of conflict between nations. It is foreseen that this Conference on Multilateralism and International Law with Western Sahara as a Case Study will seek to reflect on the status of the territory under international law, the definitions and international implications of self-determination, the respect for human rights, issues of occupation and sovereignty, obligations on third states and the lawfulness and/or legitimacy of natural resources exploitation in Western Sahara.

The Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic is a fully fledged member of the African Union. The SADR’s membership in the AU is one of the most divisive issues on the continent, and presents the continent with what can be regarded as its biggest moral dilemma. The protracted Western Sahara dispute is detrimental to the development and reconstruction ambitions of the continent, especially in relation to its stability and security, but also in terms of the regional economic integration of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), which has remained inactive for the past fifteen years as a result of the conflict. Any solution must thus also be based upon African Union’s Constitutive Act, in particular, the principle of sanctity of inherited colonial borders in Africa and the right of the peoples of former colonial territories to self-determination. Short of this requirement, the conflict in Western Sahara remains an outstanding decolonisation issue on the agenda of the African Union.

Presently some 160 000 Saharawi refugees lead a harsh existence in the Algerian desert. A 2 720 kilometres heavily mined wall in the desert separates them from their homeland. The Saharawi refugees have been waiting for more than 30 years to return home in a dignified way. It is time for the international community to act to end this intolerable and unjust situation. South Africa will continue to draw attention to the human rights violations in the occupied territories. Whilst doing this, we will intensify efforts to respond to the urgent humanitarian and other assistance within the framework of the African Renaissance Fund (ARF).

South Africa is convinced of the absolute need to reduce conflicts on the African continent. All of us need to work together to help resolve the current stalemate, which, if unresolved, could ill afford another major African humanitarian crisis. The occupation of Western Sahara is a unique situation that demands a prompt and just solution. The native Western Saharans’ right to self-determination is thus doubly important: for the sake of self-determination and for the sake of international order. A just and lasting solution for the people of Africa’s last remaining colony is essential for the peace and prosperity of the African Continent as a whole. That just and lasting solution is the right of the Saharawi people to express their will through a referendum that will determine the democratic will of the Saharawi people.

In Conclusion.

May I welcome especially all our international guests and thank you for participating in this important conference. Your presence underscores the fundamental importance of multil-lateralism which is so critical in our international interactions.

Thanks you all for making this journey to South Africa. We hope you will enjoy your stay, and that you visit us again, perhaps for more recreational activities.

Issued by the Department of Foreign Affairs
Private Bag X152
Pretoria, 0001

04 December 2008